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THE GERMAN WISH PLOTS
PLAN FOR FRESH REBELLION
WHY THE ARRESTS WERE
- MADE.
THE OFFICIAL STATEMENT.
LONDON, May 24.
The Press Bureau has issued a statement
regarding the recent arrests in
Ireland as follows -
The revolutionary movement consisted
of two series of activities The first
same, was of German attempts
to foment rebellion, and the second of
preparations in Ireland to carry out
these attempts It is possible to give a
detailed account of the connection between
the Sinn Fein leaders and the
Germans for the period prior to the
abortive Easter rebellion in 1915, but
a full statement of subsequent facts in
the Government's possession would not
be in the public interest because it
would reveal the names of those assist-
ing the Government and also the
channels of communication through
which the German Government is acting.
The story begins on November 6,
[1914, when Herr Zimmermann, the
then German Minister of Foreign AT
fairs, transmitted through Count
Bernstorff, the German Ambassador at
Washington, a message from Sir Roger
Casement (the traitor since executed)
asking that a messenger, if possible a
native-born American, can be sent to
Ireland with the word that everything
was favourable Casement also asked
that an Irish priest be sent to Germany
to corrupt the Irish war prisoners, and
Father John Nicholson, an Irish-born
American, reached Germany, and
transmitted messages to America in
January, 1915,
Captain Von Papen (attache to the
German Embassy at Washington reported
in December, 1914, that verbal
assurances sent to Ireland in response
to Casement's request had produced an
excellent impression. The plot ripened
at the beginning of 1916, and Berns-
dorff, in a despatch dated February 10,
included an extra report from John
Davey-, head of the Clan-na-Gael De
voy wrote that action in Ireland could
not be postponed. much longer because
he feared the leaders would be arrested.
He added that it was decided to
begin action on Easter Saturday, and
urged upon the German Government
that arms and munitions should rea eli
Limcuok by that date.
Bornsdoiff, following the usual practice,
surreptitiously attached a note
to a message passed by the American
Government towards Berlin, fixing the
using for Easter Saturday', and urg-
ing prompt despatch of munitions.
Von Jago v (the new German Foreign
Minister) replied on March 4 that arms
would be landed by li alec Baj
Bernstorff, in a message dated
March 3, said the Irish had agreed,
and he was sending a messenger to
Ireland with full details Bernsdorff
also telegraphed a code for use between
the Germans and the rebels while the
aims were in transit, and explained
that a submarine might safely enter
Dublin Bay as far as Pigeon House
without encountering nets
I am Jigiw, on April JO, ii timated
that arms would be sent, and that a
special code word would be used night
has an introduction to the German
wireless "press service
Rendering informed Berlin that
there were numerous private wireless
receiving stations in ireland
Di gent messages from America to
Berlin on April 18 and 19 fixed the de
livery of arms for the evening of Easter
Saturday, and pressed for the landing
of German troops, also asking for an
air raid upon England and a naval attack
upon the English coast Those
attacks actually occurred between
April 24 and 26
It was the declared hope of the rebels
and their German-American
friends to blockade the Irish ports
against England, and establish German
submarine bases in Ireland
'the rebellion broke out a day later
than schedule at. 2 The German ship
Port miscarried, and it ended in complete
failure
The British Government has the
clearest proof that the Irish volunteers
have been long in communication with
the German authorities, and have received
money through Irish-American
societies
Soon after the rising in 1916 it be
came clear that the Sum Lern leaders
again were asking Germany for help,
and a message was sent from Berlin to
Washington on June 17 'We are ready
to give further help if the Irish will
only say what sort of help is required "
Bornsdorff. in a de speech dated June
16, described the Easter rebellion, and
stated that £1,000 had been provided
for Casement's defence On July 25
he sent a message stating that re-
organisation of the rebels was progressing,
and he reminded Berlin of their
lack of money On September 8 he
enclosed a memorandum from the Irish
Revolution director resident in America
containing in detail the proposals for a
fresh rising, contingent upon Germany
sending an expedition with sufficient
military force to cover the landing Ger-
many was to fix the time 'Ino advantages
for Germany of submarine and
Zeppelin bases in the West of Ireland I
was mentioned as an inducement
It is evident that Bornsdorff was having
difficulty with his tools, for on October
24 he warned Berlin not to allow
Captain Boehm, then living at Rotterdam,
to write to Irishmen in America,
because his letters would be apt to
reach the wrong people We subway
quently arrested Boehm in British waters.
Bornsdorff, in a despatch of December
4, mentioned that the Irish leaders in
America were pressing for a reply to
their proposal of September 8, and Herr
Von Zimmermann on December It so
shed, giving the quantities of munitions
it was proposed to read been seen Tobi u
sary 21 and 25, 1917, adding 'It is impossible
to send troops " Bornsdorfr
replied on January 18 that the Irish
committee declined the proposal, on the
ground that a rising would be useless
without German troops
After America's entry into the war
communication between the German
Government and the Sinn Fein leaders
was temporarily broken off, but Dcvov's
messenger service between America and
Ireland was not affected
There is a clue to the new line visible
in Ireland in the speeches of the Sinn
Fein loaders at this period Do Valera,
addressing the convention of Irish volunteers
on October 27, 1917, said he
would never advocate another rebellion
without hopeful chances of success and
proper organisation A revolt of half
a million fighting volunteers would
have no hope of success except through
a German invasion of England and was
landing of troops in Ireland They
should be prepared to leave nothing un-
done towards that end. In January,
1918, De Valera said so long as Ger-
many was England's enemy and England
was Ireland's enemy so long would
Ireland be Germany's friend.
For a considerable time it was difficult
to obtain accurate information of
the German Sinn Fein plans, but it was
definitely ascertained in April, 1918,
that the plan for the landing of arms
in Ireland was ripe for execution. The
Germans were only awaiting information
from Ireland regarding time and
place. The British authorities warned
the Irish command regarding the probable
landing of an agent from Ger-
many from a submarine, and he actually
landed on April 12, and was arrested.
The new rising depended largely upon
the landing of munitions from submarines.
Evidence exists that the rising
was planned to follow a successful German
offensive on the Western front.
Great Britain there presumably would
be stripped of troops.
. Documents found in De Valera's possession
showed that he had worked out
in great detail the constitution of his
rebel army, and hoped to muster half
a million trained men.
There is evidence that the German
munitions were actually shipped aboard
submarines at Cuxhaven at the beginning
of May, and that German submarines
for some time have been busy
on the West Coast of Ireland on other
errands than the destruction of shipping.
Thus it will be seen that negotiations
between the Sinn Fein executive
and Germany virtually have been
continuous for three and a naïf years.
A section of the Irish Americans at
first wore the intermediary in the discussions,
but since America's entry into the
war communications with the enemy
have tended to be more direct.
A second rising was planned for 1917,
and it only broke down because Ger-
many was unable to send troops. The
plans for the 1918 rising were maturing in
connection with the German offensive
on the Western front, and a new
shipment of arms from Germany was
imminent.
An important feature of every plan
of revolt was the establishment of a,
German submarine base in Ireland in
order to menace the shipping of all nations.
In those circumstances, no other
course was open to the Government, if
useless bloodshed were to be avoided, "
and if our duty to our Allies were to
be fulfilled, but to intern the, authors,
and abettors of this criminal intrigue'
ARRESTS IN AMERICA
WASHINGTON, May 25
Numerous Sinn Fein arrests are pend
1111- in the United States owing to the
men being implicated in the German,
plots
STATEMENT BY THE PRIME
MINISTER
LONDON, May 24
At a luncheon given in Edinburgh to
day to Mr Lloyd George, the Prime
Minister said there was no doubt about
the conspiracy for a great Irish rising
He had perused the evidence. Some
of it could not be published, because it
would disclose the sources of our information
He said that no taunts
would drive the Government to publish
that portion The Government would
have deserved impeachment if it had
shirked the taking of action He added
that the Nationalists were not involved
in the conspiracy
DE VALER VS DENI Mr
De Valera has we risen to an Irish
Roman Catholic bishop denying the existence
of any German plot
The "Manchester Guardian" and other
critics ask that proofs of the plot be
brought home to the Irish
The Westminster Gazette' states
that if the German plot is proved to
the satisfaction of Irishmen they will
have no dealings with any minority who
are proved to have taken a part in
the plot
It is expected that the critics of the
Government will ask that the Sinn
Feiners be brought to public trial, with
the opportunity of sifting the evidence
The attitude of Mr John Dillon, the
leader of the Nationalists, towards the
Sinn Feiners is now aw used with in-,
terest
NEWSPAPER COMMENT
LONDON May 25
The English newspapers give prominent
o to the statement issued by the
Government and Fay the public hope
and expect that discussions in the
House of Commons next week will re-
well fuller details of ena Sinn Fein connection
with the German plot is being
most important in convincing Ireland
that the British are seen g with absolute
honesty in the matter
The Daily Telegraph" says the precise
evidence justifies the Government's
action It regrets that the evidence
cannot be given with the same fullness
as in the Casement plot, but the Government
b reason will satisfy any reasonable
person
The Daily Express" says the Government's
statement is convincing that
a prima facie case has been made out

against the Sinn Fein leaders. It is
important to remember that the United
States was privy to many of the documents
with the evidence, and the Government
was more than justified in arresting
the Kaiser's friends. The persons
arrested should now be tried publicly
as circumstances will permit, and
to prove these men and women guilty
in open court, and Ireland would listen
to them no more. Keep them intern-
ed without trial, and halt Ireland would
best serve them libelled innocents.

The ''Daily Chronicle" says More
substantial justification for the recent
arrests ought to be given than is provided
in the statement issued. It is
all-important to reveal sufficient evidence
to justify the strong action taken.
It is not. enough to say there is a plot,

and that the Sinn Fein has been in
touch with Germany continuously for
three and a half years. If it is shown
that the Sinn Fein leaders were really
conspiring to establish German submarine
bases on the Irish coast, it would
produce a great revulsion against the
Sinn Feiners in Ireland.

The "Daily News" says the issue of
the evidence published to-day- is not a
compliment to the intelligence of the
public. No doubt Germany intrigued
in Ireland in 1916, but evidence is required
against De Valera, Plunkett,
and others. inflammatory utterances
are no new phenomenon in Ireland. The
only specific allegation is De Valera's
papers, which show that he hoped to
muster a rebel army of half a million.
If the evidence cannot be made public,
it must be submitted to competent Imperial
judges.

The Dublin correspondent of the Central
News Agency states that the Government's
account of the pro-German

plot has not impressed the Nationalists,

who declare it does not prove the Sinn
Fein connection with the plot. The
publication of the account has merely
strengthened the demand for a public
trial of the prisoners.

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