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OUR MELBOURNE LETTER,
(From our own Correspondent)
If I have missed my usual letter I am
not to blame, but rather the uncertainties
of the post. Few persons in
this city know when the Port Darwin
mails start, and generally post their
letters when they write them in the
hope that some time they will reach
the capital of the north. However,
all this will be altered, because the
Queensland Royal Mail steamers now
announce their dates far ahead, so
that if letters are posted in Melbourne
in time to reach Brisbane by the date
announced all will be well. I may
here mention that Port Darwin is now
assuming considerable importance in
the southern colonies, and it is universally
recognised that your town
will become the metropolis of the
north. Victorians always take a
lively interest in the port, because it
is, to a great extent, a Victorian
settlement, and we have many old
friends up there.
Since my last letter the political
world has been engaged in an incessant
struggle, and it is only now
that we have obtained a trifling rest
through the adjournment of Parliament
until the 3rd of May. Everything,
however, indicated that this
relaxation is only the prelude to a
long rest and peace, during which
both sides can recruit and prepare for
an inevitable struggle the next
session, which will commence probably
in August next. Parliament has
been now sitting almost continuously
since July, 1880, and this session has
had no parallel since the great days
of the Darling struggle, although
there is the difference that there is
not the fever and excitement. As a
matter of fact public interest in
politics has greatly died out and little
attention is paid to what goes on in
the House. The public mind wants
a rest and a rest it will have; you
cannot keep the bow always bent.
During the extra sitting, which began
in February the two Houses
have been almost continuously considering
the reform question. The
Legislative Council thought to have
scotched the whole project by getting
its Premier to rule the Assembly’s
bill out of order when it came up, on
the ground that the Council had already
considered a similar measure
and could not according to Parliamentary
practice take it up. This
was a mere blind, for, as a matter of
fact, the Assembly’s bill was initiated
before the Council’s. However, the
high Tories thought that game
would work, and that it would lead
to Mr. Berry either throwing up the
reform question and so being ousted
from office, or to some arrangement
favorable to themselves. They were
doomed to disappointment, for the
Conservative Press deserted them and
demanded that the Bill should be
considered. The Argus and its followers
did this simply because they
feared the more earnest of the
Liberals would force a deadlock,
which would end in the destruction
of the Council, as the people, once
aroused, would stand no more nonsense.
So the Council had to mildly
set aside their President’s ruling and
to take up the bill. They read it a
first time and then asked for a Conference,
which was accorded by the
Assembly. Each committee was
necessarily in accord with its House.
Sir Charles Sladen, a venerable
lawyer, who headed a minority
Ministry in 1868 for two months,
rules the Council with a rod of iron,
there being no other member who
has the ability to speak or think, and
from the first it was evident that he
wanted terms which the Assembly
could not grant. He desired to
make a difference between freeholders
and occupiers, although, as a
matter of fact, the latter are the real
colonists. The Assembly was returned
pledged to get the rate payer’s
roll as the constituency of the
Council, which would give it close
upon 200,000 electors. Sir Charles
proposed that freeholders whose
property was valued at ten pounds
per annum and occupiers who paid
twenty-five pounds per year, should
be given the franchise which would
give 108,000 electors to the Council,
and effectually shut out the democratic
party. Mr. Berry, who conducted
himself throughout with great
moderation, agreed to accept ten
pounds all round. At this, issue was
joined and the committees parted
without result. However, the two
parties have approached so closely,
the country is so indisposed to have
another political struggle, and both
parties fancy a Council with a low
franchise would ensure victory, that
it is pretty certain when Parliament
meets on the 3rd of May some arrangement
will be come to, and the
reform question settled for awhile.
The Conservatives fancy that with
the new franchise the Council would
elbow out the Assembly and become
paramount, leading to the virtual destruction
or nullification of manhood
suffrage, while the democrats feel
sure that a Council elected by two
thirds of the rate payers would readily
agree to lower the franchise, even to
universal suffrage. As regards ministerial
supporters and opponents the
Assembly is somewhat evenly
balanced, but while the safe followers
of Mr. Berry are homogenous, the
other sections of the House hold such
diverse views that it seems hopeless
for any man to hold the reins except
the present Premier. Nearly every
member in opposition and in the
corner wants office if Mr. Berry is
thrown out, and therefore the task of
starting another party appears hopeless.
Mr. Longmore has assumed
the lead of the Radical section of the
House, and is watchful and suspicious
of Mr. Berry, who, he fears, is becoming
too conservative. Mr. Berry
has indeed become very moderate in
tone and in measures, but this shows
his wisdom. The people are luke-
warm and not inclined to extremes,
and Mr. Berry, ever watchful of public
opinion, has followed suit. Besides,
he cannot be said to be his own
master. The Age is a portentious
power in Victorian politics, owing to
its large circulation and its long association
with the popular cause.
Besides it always exists; ministries
come and ministries go; Parliaments
are elected and dissolved; but
the Age goes on for ever. The
policy of the Age has for years been
between the extremes and it tries to
raise up a middle class party, between
the extreme tories and the extreme
democrats. In pursuance of this it
deserted Mr. Berry in February 1880,
and the result was disastrous. Both
the Age and Mr. Berry saw they could
not do without one another, and in
July 1880 they joined again and won.
Since then, though mutually hating
each other they have worked well in
harness and in the direction of a
middle party. The democrats hate
and fear the Age, but it requires a
large capital to start an opposition
paper, so they have to content themselves
with curses. Recently, the
Age nearly broke up the Liberal
party. It has always had a sneaking
regard for Mr. Munro, the Secretary
of our principal building society, and
a man of capital, who saved the Age
when the Melbourne merchants
threatened to take away all their advertisements.
The Age took him up
in 1879 in opposition to Mr. Berry,
but had to drop him as he would not
take the plebiscite. The Munro-
Casey combination was thrust out of
Parliament, but took root at the exhibition,
where it was joined by Mr.
G. C. Levey, who, when Mr. David
Syme went home for a trip became
the real editor of the paper. He felt
that one of the triumvirate must be
in Parliament, so he got the Age to
send Mr. Casey up to Maldon, but J.
J. saw it was no use and beat a retreat.
As soon as North Melbourne
became vacant Mr. Levey and the
Age forced Mr. Munro, who has
since 1879 been called the “champion
rat” down the throats of North Melbourne,
the Liberal party, and Mr.
Berry. Mr. Longmore, and a large
section of the Liberals refused to forgive
the delinquent, and though Mr.
Munro was returned his presence
in Parliament may lead to the destruction
of the party. To show
how distasteful Mr. Munro was to
the Liberals it is sufficient only to
mention that nearly 1000 Liberal
electors of North Melbourne declined
to vote at all. One of the features
of this election was the candidature
of Mr. William Gaunson who went
to the poll and was defeated for the
seventh time (he has put up at nine
elections but withdrew twice) and
lost his fourth deposit of fifty pounds.
Mr. Gaunson is evidently not fated
to be a legislator, though his admirers
compare him to the late Lord
Beaconsfield who stood many times
before he was returned. So much
for politics. You will gather from
what I have written that we are on
the eve of a political calm, during
which parties will disintegrate and
new combinations will arise to take
part in the next contest.
The Kelly episode has been before
us again, owing to the report of the
Board to award the reward money,
having been sent in, and the sitting
of the Police Commission, which is
sifting the Kelly outbreak to the
bottom. The awards of the former
Board are so ridiculous that people
laugh at them, but Mr. Berry, who
was asked to delay the distribution,
does not feel inclined to do so as the
banks and the New South Wales
Government have contributed the
larger portion of the money. The
Police Reward Board consisted of
three aristocrats, and true to their
instincts they have given the lion’s
share to persons of their own caste.
Superintendent Hare gets £850,
though he was but a short time in
charge of the Kelly district, and had
to leave the Glenrowan fight a few
minutes after it began, leaving his
forces in confusion without a commander.
There were three persons
who really brought about the capture
and death of the Kelly’s. First
there was Superintendent Nicholson,
who adopted the tactics of starving
them out. Second, Aaron Sherritt,
who gave the information to Mr.
Nicholson which enabled him to
starve out the Kellys. All this would
have been of no avail had not the
brave Mr. Curnow, at the risk of a
horrible death for himself and those
dear to him, stopped the train. Yet
the Board gives Mr. Curnow only
£550, while it passes Superintendent
Nicholson and Mrs. Sherritt, whose
husband died in the cause, completely
over. The Government, however,
give Mrs. Sherritt ten shillings a
week. As to the Police Commission
the evidence before them so far
shows that our police force is completely
disorganised and that throughout
the Kelly trouble the officers
were at deadly feud, each jealous of
the other, and playing at cross purposes;
one would sooner the Kellys
remained at large for ever than that
the other should have the credit of
their capture. In Superintendent
Sadlier’s evidence he indicated that
he feared another outbreak in the
north-eastern district. The population
there is very lawless. They live
on bits of land that are incapable of
sustaining a family. The young
fellows make the most of their
money by shearing in New South
Wales. It seems when going off to
that colony they “annex” a horse
from some neighbour who is not of
the “clan” and sell it after shearing
season. They then “annex” a New
South Wales horse, and when they
get to Victoria sell it. What makes
Mr. Sadlier’s words of weight is that
there are nearly 100 families in Victoria
which are blood relations of the
dead outlaws. Kate Kelly, her sister
Mrs. Skillion and Mrs. Kelly (who
has been released from gaol) are now
living on the latter’s selection near
Greta in a state of poverty. This
selection was forfeited by the Government
on Mrs. Kelly’s incarceration
but this will be revoked. Kate
Kelly and her sister were in Melbourne
a week ago about it. Kate
has with her own hand planted evergreens
on Dan Kelly’s grave. As to
the body of Ned Kelly it was dissected
by the students at the Melbourne
Hospital who carried away large
sections of it. The remainder was
thrown into a pit with quick-lime,
and soon became dust and ashes. It
is probable that great changes will be
made in the police force after the
Police Commission has sent in its
report.
Before these lines appear the Melbourne
Exhibition will be a thing of
the past. Already the exhibits are
being removed; an air of desolation
prevails in courts where works of
industry and art delighted the eye,
and elsewhere the auctioneer is busy
with his hammer. Soon the annexes
will be removed, to become railway
stations and goods sheds, and all that
will remain of the grandest sight
Australia has ever witnessed will be
the front building, shining in the
sun, in the midst of its beautifully
verdant grounds, to become a sort of
permanent Art Exhibition. It is
with regret we see all this, and it reminds
us of Shakespeare’s wondrous
lines:—
These . . . . .
Are melted into air, into thin air;
And, like the baseless fabric of this vision,
The cloud-capp’d towers, the gorgeous
palaces,
The solemn temples, the great globe itself,
Yea, all it doth inherit, shall dissolve,
And like this insubstantial pageant faded,
Leave not a rack (wreck) behind.
This is hardly true, because the
Exhibition is the beginning of a new
era for these colonies. It has made
Australia known to the nations of the
earth who hitherto thought it a place
of black men. The ignorance of our
colonies in Europe up to the holding
of this exhibition was wonderful.
Some young gentlemen who had
made up their minds to brave a visit
to Australia were recommended
earnestly by their friends to get
dictionaries of the “Australian language,”
otherwise they could not get
on! A mayor of Paris, who is in the
cloth business, when asked to send
some exhibits to the Exhibition, said
it was no use, as he understood all
the clothing worn here was a gum
tree leaf, and that only on dress
occasions. All this is altered. The
correspondents of the leading papers
of the world have been here and sent
home accounts of the country, and
nearly all the foreigners who came
to the Exhibition, a goodly contingent,
intend to remain in Victoria,
and have started a club. Lines of
splendid steamers have been put on
from Hamburg and Marseilles. The
Hamburg steamers will divert the
stream of German emigrants, the
best class of emigrants in the world,
from the United States to Australia.
Altogether, no matter what may be
the cost, the Exhibition will be a vast
benefit. It would appear the cost
will be nothing, for over two hundred
thousand pounds will be paid in duty
on the goods exhibited, and the
receipts will post up one hundred
thousand pounds. The goods are
being bought by wholesale firms, so
that the public will not get them at
any great bargain; the buyers will
make cent. per cent.
A case has been preliminarily
before the courts, and will shortly be
in them again, which has excited
great attention. Mr. George Lamont
was one of the pioneers of Pleasant
Creek. I daresay some of your
miners will remember him, and
having a crushing plant there in connection
with Mr. Grant (a brother of
the Hon. J. M. Grant, once the
popular Commissioner for Lands),
and being interested in the celebrated
North Cross Reef Company he
was very wealthy. As usual with
the reefers of the olden time he
indulged in sprees, suffered from
delirium tremens, and weakened his
brain from excesses of all kinds. He
had a sister in Melbourne who did
her best for him, but unfortunately
he fell into the hands of an Inspirationist
or magnetiser, named Mrs.
Jackson, who had as an ally one
McGeorge. Mr. Lamont, who was
a kindly, impressionable man, readily
fell under their influence, became an
ardent Spiritualist, joined the celebrated
Magnetic Circle, and became
impressed with the belief that Mrs.
Jackson was inspired. Finally he
went to live with the McGeorge’s,
and built for them a fine villa at
Hawthorn, making a present of it to
the pair. Mrs. Jackson completely
controlled the unfortunate gentleman.
To do this she used to sit for hours
tapping him on the head. His
relatives were refused admittance to
him when dying, and under the
“influence” he made a will in favor
of the McGeorge’s. This his relatives
are now contesting. The case will
be of great interest, because it will
elucidate legally how far magnetic
and other influences invalidate a will.
Magnetism has revived in the old
world under the name of hypnotism
or mggignostrism, but the law courts
in England have decided against the
Spiritualists, while the French courts
have been favorable.
The Banking Record, a journal
published here, has recently issued a
list of all the dividends paid in Victoria,
and rates the amount at five
millions of pounds sterling, but it is
totally unreliable. The mine that
has paid the most in dividends is the
Long Tunnel, Walhalla, £796,000.
I see by the American papers that
during the last twenty years dividends
to the extent £43,035,763 19s. 2d.
have been paid by ex-mining companies.
In California the Idatio
Company paid £489,645 16s. 8d.
(gold mine); in Nevada (silver) the
Consolidated Virginia has paid
£8,943,707, and the California
£6,264,000; in Michigan the Calumet
and Hecla (copper) £3,687,000o 13s. 4d.
The State of Nevada alone (silver)
has paid £28,666,411 in dividends, all
since 1865.
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