Please wait. Contacting image service... loading

Article text

BRITAIN, THE U.S.
AND JAPAN
WE must recognise, however rcluc- :
tantly. that the Mikado's Gov-jl
ernment has only an imperfect 1
authority over the naval and military j
warriors of Japan, and still less over: j
their aviators. <
The secret societies in the Japanese i
army and navy have very largely taken ■
charge of the policy of their country.
They have murdered so many polili- i
cians who were thought to be weaklings
or backsliders that they have terrified ■
the rest.
It is painful to say it, but there arc
moments when we must feel ourselves .
in the presence of an army and navy
which are running amok.
It must be stated quite plainly that
the United States. Great Britain ana
the European countries have no de
signs upon the safety or prosperity of
Japan.
They have been good purchasers ol
Japanese merchandise. Tney have wil
lingly extended the hand of courtesy
to Japanese Ambassadors and Envoys.
They have no aims in China.except to
see the Chinese people happy and free
and to render them the normal ser
vices of commerce and enterprise.
However, at the end of it all ther.; Is
Admiral Suetsugu with his plan icr
driving all white people out of the East,
and the bloody decks of the Panay with
United States sailors trying to save
helpless refugees from airplane bombs
and subsequent machine-gun fire.
One must recognise this as a very
serious disappointment for the great
democracies of the Western world. Evi
dently we should not lose heart. On
the contrary, we should persevere, "jut
we may have to persevere along a some
what different path.
AT this point one begins to look at
the strength of the Japanese
Navy in relation to the other
great Naval Powers of the world.
The Washington Conference of 1920
agreed to a ratio of five British and five
American to three Japanese naval unit.',
and to certain limits of tonnage and
cannon.
But that Treaty has now expired, anc
it is said that Japan has already em
, barked upon the construction of seve
ral battleships which exceed in tonnage
and size of cannon those that are being
built in Britain and America. The
, United States Navy Board will of
course be compelled to review its pro
i grammes and types very searchingly.
President Roosevelt's declarations
i seem to show that the Government oi
the United States would not be willing
:to see their naval power seriously
I rivalled in the Pacific Ocean at the
present time. They have an ample
superiority, but this might pass in ai
few years unless timely measures are
taken.
It seems probable tliat a large pro
gramme of naval expansion will be un
dertaken in the United States, and that
the American Navy will keep good pace
with the British Navy in accordance
with the principles of parity which
govern our relations. (This was writ
ten before the announcement of Presi
dent Roosevelt's naval expansion
plans.)
Neither Government need be afraid
of what is called starting a naval race
with Japan. It is quite certain that
Japan cannot possibly compete with
the productive energies of either branch
of the English-speaking peoples.
THE immediate problem is of a dif
ferent character. Its solution de
pends entirely upon the view—
moral, political, economic—which the
people of the United States take of
their responsibilities in the Pacific.
It is certain that no American Gov
ernment is going to "pull the chesnuts
out of the fire" for the sane of British
or European interest in China. It is
not certain that they may not feel an
interest and duty of their own.
The absorption and organisation of
a great part of China by Japan into a
vast Asiatic naval and military power,
with hundreds of millions of subjects
under its sway, and animated by the
principles which Admiral Suetsugu has
so frankly expressed, might not upon a
long view be in accordance with the
safety and freedom of the people of
the United States.
The issue is one entirely for the de
cision of the American Government
and people, and none or us in Europe
should presume to intervene in that
tremendous cogitation. No one in Great
Britain would venture to ask or urge
any particular course upon the Wash
ington Government.
The British Government is, however,
entitled to say lhat if the United States
for is own purposes chooses to take a
lead in preserving peace and civilisa
tion in and around tbe China Seas,
tbey would be supported by Great Bri
tain and tbe British Empire to the full
: limit of their strength.
There were Anglo-American misun
• derstandings in 1931, but there should
'be no misunderstandings now. If Pre
• sident Roosevelt's Government feel it
their duty for purely American or
; world purposes, to make their weight
: felt in the cause of peace and order in
: the Far East, the British Empire
' would associate itself with them heart
; and hand.
ri (World Copyright Reserved)
$