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MR. W. E. GLADSTONE ON COM
MERCIAL LIBERTY.
The subjoined is published by Galignani
as a full report of the speech delivered by
Mr. Gladstone, at the dinner recently
given to him by the Societe d'Economie
I Polirique of Paris :—" When I examine
myself I feel some hesitation in believing
that I have done enough to merit the re
ception you have given me. I have en
deavored to fulfil my duty towards my
country and towards humanity; but in
the great reforms recently accomplished,
the benefit of which the world is begin
ning to reap, I have only been a secondary
instrument, a devoted auxilliary. Ascribe
the honor of it to the two men without
whom commercial liberty would still for a
longtime have been consigned to theaspira- j
tions of generous spirits and the theories I
of science ; to the two men who opened
a new era for international relations —
the Emperor Napoleon and Cobden. j
The Emperor, by the elevated grasp
of his intellect and the uncon
querable energy of his will, found
means to overthrow obstacles apparently
insurmountable; he transformed into a
splendid reality what might have pre
viously seemed only a dream. Cobden,
whose sagacious genius was united to a
great spirit of moderation, also did much ;
Cobden, whose pure morals, rectitude of
conduct, warmth of heart, and superiority
of intelligence have contributed so largely
to the good of the human race. I cannot
recall to mind without deep emotion that
noble existence, that intellect so vigorous
and so persevering, to which I am proud
of having served as an ally. He had
already acted a noble part in combating
want, in evoking the most efficacious
method for raising the level of the general
well being. But Cobden's object was far
grander; he aimed at muting all peoples
together by a moral tie; he aspired to
give a solid base to the peace of the
world. To emancipate States from the
heavy charges of war; to obviate as
much as possible the sad effusion of
human blood when the sacred interests of
liberty and independence are not at stake;
to show that the greatness of nations lies
elsewhere than in the enlargement of
territory; to suppress amongst popula
tions the incessant cause of collisions
generated by false ideas of wealth and
by commercial jealousy —such was the
work of Cobden. He knew well that
material progress is worth nothing with
out moral advancement; and every day
fresh benefits are seen to reconcile with
the principles of free trade even its most
obstinate adversaries. The history of the
past in this matter was saddened by great
mistakes and teal delinquencies; England
had been the first to cdmmit them, and
it was dniy just that she should be the
first to repair them. Do not suppose,
however, that this undertaking was
exempt amongst us from difficulties, and
free from inveterate prejudices. Voices
of lamentation are still sometimes heard
on the other side of the channel pre
tending that France has gained more
than England by the treaty of commerce.
If such be the fact, tar from finding in it
a Subject of complaint, I congratulate you
on the fact with all my soul. Some,
indfeed, may gain less, and others more,
but the essential point is that nobody
loses. The amount of profit may vary,
but it is always mutual. The work is j
being completed without precipitation or :
imprudence. The benefits reaped from it
are no longer confined to tbe.two neigh
boring fcduntries which were the first to
set a great example ; the whole world is
gathering the fruit. Prohibition and
protective duties—these two idols of the
past—are crumbling to pieces on all sides,
and unjust privilege has received its death
stroke. To abolish prohibitions is good ;
to diminish protective rights is better
still; and to' suppress them altogether
will be to reach the acme of perfection. I
have had the happiness of removing a
vast number of duties from the tariff of
England, which has beheld those really
levied reduced to seven; out of these
there being one which, however trivial it
may bej is destined,to disappear—l mean
the small duty still existing on wheat.
The further we advance in this direction
the more we gain. In the track of com
mercial liberty, as in that of virtue, the
commencement is the most difficult and
the last efforts are the most fruitful. Our
labors must tend to effape oven the. last
vestigo of protective right, and only to
preserve taxes of a purely fiscal nature,
which,* without creating any injurious
preferences, may supply a source of
profitable! revenue. TKe mission of
our epoch is to emancipate capital
and labor from all subjection, by
maintaining to all the protection
of social right, equity, fidelity, and
sincerity in transactions. To develop
intelligence, to improve produce, to mul
tiply tjae soilrfees of thcgencfal well-tleitig,
io exalt the material and moral condition
oi the workmen, to put faith in an en
largement of the domain of thought—such
is the tendency of our age, which may be
justly styled that of labor and public
right. Prosperity, for eti^tgetio tcil?rs,
and peace for all the well-disposed—such
is our object. The secret of finances,
about which so much perplexity is felt, is
very simple ; an increase of the generalj
wealth is the basis of every prosperous !
situation; and the lever to lift it up is
libm-Hr."
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