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: UNPROMISING SIGNS FROM
MOSCOW
< "IT F reports coming from
.. JL Moscow can be accepted
as- authentic, it would seem
"that the Foreign Ministers of
the Big Four are as far apart
as . the poles on basic peace
making issues and the treat
ment of Germany. A confer
ence begun more than three
weeks ago has only served to
throw into fresh relief the
fundamental discords between
Soviet Russia on the one hand,
and America and Britain on
the other, with France leaning
to Russia's views in some di
rections and making its own
reservations in others. While
the fruitless talks go on pub
lic men in America are pro
claiming openly that the pro
posed aid to Greece and Tur
key is an anti-Russian move of
far-reaching import. One re
presentative urges that the
United States "should tell
Russia she must disarm, other
wise America would use atomic
bombs and economic power
against her."
Another aspect of the con
fusion is the split in the Bri
tish Labor . party over con
scription for military service.
When there is so much dis
sension among political leaders
it is not surprising that the
ordinary man is bewildered, by
the riddle of the contemporary
world, and gives it up as be
yond understanding. He sees
so much wrangling and dispu
tation, and so few signs of the
amity and good will' without
which fifty-year or twenty-
year alliances are scarce worth
.the paper they arc printed on,
that he cannot make head or
tail of the situation. Even
industrious students of affairs
find themselves in a labyrinth
from which a general hubbub
arises.
Scenes of violence and coal
miners' strikes in western Ger
many, attributed to the food
shortage, .are still another
symptom of the post-war fever.
If the outlook for peace is as
bad as- some people in the
United States regard nt, any
nation that ceases to rely on
its own armed strength for se
curity is giving dangerous hos
tages to fortune. That is one
of the main reflections1 promp-
ted by the Commons debate on
the National Service Bill, and
the large vote by which it was
approved. Doubtless, 'the 85
members who opposed peace
time conscription were actua
ted by sincere convictions.
But many of their fellow mem
bers shared the objections in
other days. Now that Labor
must accept the responsibili
ties of office in a crucial
period, the majority has taken
the realist view,' and dis
carded a traditional attitude
that might have been appro
priate to far "different world
conditions.
A point overlooked is that
Russia gives no 'evidence of
setting an example in dis
armament or abandoning its
rigid system of universal ser
vice with the forces. The les
sons of the dnter-war years
'emphasise the folly and fatuity
of one-sided disarming : and
trusting. that ; others would be
persuaded to do likewise.
While the spirit of peace
is so conspicuously lacking, it
would be super-optimism to
think that reliance of .the pa
cific intentions of others would
produce any --better results
than the vain - endeavors : of
which Munich was the symbol
and culmination. .
To most people of his, race,
and doubtless to many Ameri-;
cans, Mr.: Bevin's plans for
economic unity of Germany
seem eminently reasonable,
and an essential basis to
Europe's recovery.-,. It is of
cardinal importance . that; the
German people, should support
themselves by their own work
and production as soon as
possible, instead of being a
heavy drain on Britain and
America. To accept, the Rus
sian thesis would .mean that
this drain would be prolonged
indefinitely, . largely in the -in
terests- of reparations .from
"Germany to Russia. It would
be a tragic r anti-climax if the
Moscow; conference" were to
break up without evolving
some coherent ; plan for, Ger
many., including the level ol
industry,, and the means by
which the Germans could con
tribute to- European recovery,
as well as make reparations on
an agreed basis to the victims
of their aggression.
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