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Ireland is in a stoto of civil "war. Tbc
amazing thing about the Irish wtnHtion is
that civil war, with all its tragedy and
horror, seems now the inevitable and only
path to peace and stability. It is impossible
to pretend that there is anything gratify
ing in the spectacle of the Irish people
fighting amongst themselves. It is a
spectacle too sad for the play of cheap
cynicam. But at least there is some light
in the darkness. The repeated attempts
of British Governments to settle the Irish
question long ago made it clear that the
Irish question would never be settled until
the Irish people settled it for themselves.
The Irish people arc now trying to settle
it for themwilvcs. Unfortunately, if not
altogether surprisingly, tlie process involves
internecine war. in its long history of
" oppression" Ireland has bred two typcu
of patriot. Two recent events in the his
tory of the country have forced the issue
as to which type of patriot is to control
the destiny of Ireland. Thc Treaty was
the first instrument of differentiation. It
offered Ireland a full measure of sell-
got einmcnt -within the British Empire.
Obviously it was the most that Ireland
could possibly hope to receive from a
British Government. To the type of
patriot whose single purpose was the
acknowledgment of the right of the Irish
people to manage their own affaire tlie
Treaty wan acceptable. But there was
another type— a type whose Irish
"patriotism" was but a cioak for their
enmity to Britain, who would rather see
Ireland wretched and turbulent, and an
enemy of England, than see it peaceful
und prosperous, if that meant living in
amity- with England. To that type of
"patriot" the Treaty was abhorrent. It
promised to end the bad relations between
Ireland and England, -which was the last
thing wished for by those who hated
England more than they loved Ireland.
Between thc period of the ratifica
tion of tho Treaty by a email majority
of Dail Eireanu and the general elec
tion held for thc election of the first
Parliament of the Free State it was
impossible to know where the people
of Ireland stood. Do Valera and his asso
ciates claimed that Hie masses of thc
people were against tlie Treaty, that they
were behind him in his declaration of1
republicanism aud no partnership in the'
British Empire. The general elections
astonished even those who were most
sanguine of the good sense and loyalty of
tlie Irish people. Even held as they were
111 an atmosphere of terrorism and compro
mise, the elections proved that the Irish
people were by a vast majority in favor
of tho Treaty; that they did not want a
republic; that de Valora had 110 authority
to speak for anyone but hunscli ami the
band of extremists, rebels and professional
gunmen that he had gathered round him-
llius by there two critical events, by tho
treaty and by the general elections, Ire
land lias conic at last to see the solution
of its problem. So those who before were
rebels only against England— which waa
never looked upon as a very heinous
offence in Ireland — are now- rebels against
Ireland. They are enemies of. law and
order wherever it nsidcs. Their flaunted
" patriotism" does not prevent them- from
killing their own countrymen, from declar
ing war against their own country in the
rebels' cause of lawlessness and disorder
It may be iiBkod why England stands by,
leaving it to the Government of the Free
State, with l-tsi small, disorganised army,
to deal witn tins rebellion. England could
throw forces mto Ireland 111 support of
the Irish Government that would speedily
crush, the rebelbon. But there are Irish
prejudices, still raw, to be considered
Unless the Free State Government is in
stjtfous: danger or specifically asks' for aid,
it is perhaps the wisest course for th«>
British Government to leave it alone to
deal with thc situation. It may seem ter
rible to have to stand by and sec a small
band of professional rebel prolong blood
shed and turbulence, but the leaders of the
Irish Irce State, confident at last of the
temper of -the majority of the Irish people,
are handling the situation witih firmness
and success. The suppression of rebel
rcpuhlicanami by -the Irish people tbem-
snlveB will do far more than anything that
the British Government could do to
establish peace in Ireland.
During the year which ended with June,
1921, there were 11,729/238 fewer letters
and cards posted in Australia than there
were in 1919-20. The number of letters
posted waa 97.80 per head of the pepu-
latibn, compared with 104 /M per head in
thc year preceding. What was the reason
for the serious falling off ? The answer
is " double charges." The twopenny let
ter rate discourages use of the post office.
The chief mission of the post office is
to promote and facilitate communications
between thc people bf tins and other
countries, thus promoting friendly rela
tionships, business, education and general
convenience. Any circumstance that limits
the use of the postal service is an ob
stacle to progress and an obstruction that
is responsible for a heavy indirect loss.
The introduction of tlie penny pbst to
England eighty years ago was welcomed
as a striking event in the growth of en
lightenment. In Australia the Government
is now using the post office as an instru
ment of taxation — to raise, money for
spending in ways that, to a large extent,
are unprofitable. The ordinary letter rate
has been doubled, the telephtone charges
have been increased almost in the same
proportion, and thc telegraph charges have
been heavily loaded! Were the Postal De
partment managed for the benefit of the
country and its people rather than as a
maker of profits, it could revert almost
entirely to pro-war rates without incurring
loss. The profit for 1920-21, exclusive of
interest charges, was no less than
£1,786,950, or nearly £700,000 more than
it was in 1919-20. After deducting
£643,183 for interest, thc net profit was
£1,143,767. Thus, considering the falling
off in the nnrabcr of letters posted, the
public is compelled to pay much more
than formerly fbr a more limited service.
During the war, when all sources of
revenue had to be laid under tribute, there
was reason for collecting taxes in this
way, hut the war ended over three and
a half' years ago, and there is no excuse
for continuing the taxation policy as an
aid to peace-time extravagance. Tlie de
cline in postages is proof that tbc amount
of business is rtmtnngent upon the charges.
That being so, a reduction would mean an
immense increase in tlie qnantity of mail
matter — an improvement that would pro
bably be sufficient before long to return
a profit comparable to that which is now-
gained by extortion. When the minimum
fee for letters to Europe and America is
fourpence, tho charge is seribus enough to
he a destructive tax on communications
that arc valuable to many Australian in
terests. The high charges between Aus
tralia aud England, and within Australia
itself, arc still more serious. They are a
special tax upon people in the country
districts, and therefore are a factor iu the
isolatten of thc more remote. Postal,
telegraph and telephone charges have be
come a serious item to the management of
every bnsinefB, industry and distributing
agency, and are still one more unneces
sarily heavy impost to be passed on to the
cost of living. Directly and indirectly the
high rates affect every person in tlie com
munity. Ab a business man, the Federal
Treasurer must thoroughly understand the
position. In considering means of redu
cing taxation while preparing his Budget,
lie ought to examine the last postal rc-
I»rt. When lie has done so he will recog
nise that the cose for an all-round reduc
tion iu the postal charges is irrefutable.
When the State Treasurer visited Bcn-
digo last week neither the city council
iior the representatives of leading indus
tries troubled about his presence. The
Bendigo people were not always as slow
nor . always as independent of thc cus
todian of the public purse. Mr. M'Pherson,
however, has no reason to fell slighted. He
must be considerate enough -to remember
that Bendigb is represented by Mr.
Hughes, whose demands upon its people
for demonstrations of welcome are apt to
overtax their enthusiasm. The State Trea
surer ought to recognise, too, that rousing
receptions to public men nowadays require
preliminary organisation. How can those
who are to display spontaneous enthusiasm
know what is expected of them unless
they are given timely intimation ? There
is leas embarrassment for a Treasurer when
he is left to go -his own road than there
is when he is besieged by admiring and
courteous deputations. When the late Sir
Thomas Bent was once visiting a country
town the whole population seemed to have
come out with flags and brass baud to
make a loud noise in his honor. The
local member was radiant with satisfaction.
" This will give you an idea, Six Thomas,"
lie said, "of how strong you are up here."
Sir Thomas Bent looked down the street
tSrih glinting satirical eyas. "Yes," be
Cid, "that crowd over on the right wants
a railway; those on the left are after a
" new school and an irrigation scheme; as
" for the rest, I've no doubt that they
" are out in tho hope of cutting up all that
" is loft in the Treasury. Just tell them
" for me— 'no deputations, and not a
" 'penny.' " "But, Sir Thomas," protested
the member, "all the leading men of . the
" place want to discum with you great
" questions of public interest." "Te" I'-CT
' to put their views in writing," answered
the then Premier and Treasurer; "I've got
" no money." In one respect Bcndigo's
apparent indifference to Mr. M'Pherson's
visit was a compliment to his capacity and
df termination as an economical administra
tor. There are some men whose reputa
tion repels the audacity of even an insur
ance agent or a land talesman. Were
the State Treasurer a Federal Minnter he
could hardly expect to escape as quietly
and easily. In thc sugar districts throngs
of people, lost m admiration of his patriot
ism and sterling quality, would make his
way a triumphal progress. Amidst the
cliccrs which greeted him he might almost
forget far a time that his admirers were
out for double price for their sugar.
Showers of compliments would fall upon
lum from disinterested proprietors of saw
mills, owners of land admirably suitable
for soldiers' homes, advocates of pools,
superannuation scheme, - transcontinental
railways and the basic wage, and - revolu
tionary Socialists anxious -for th : opera
tion of the Industrial Peace Act. When
, (F U I J X
public man is high ill the Commonwealth
administration there is some encourage
ment to get up a hit of a procession, or
ever, to arrange a banquet or two. One
never knows what may be going. Thc
local member may have as much reason
to hope as his constituents. He may be
inspired to strike up For He's a Jolly
Good Fellow with resonance enough to
earn from his hero the generous compli
ment that he sings tbe rollicking and
always sincere melody to absolute perfec
tion. Mr. M'Pherson has said nothing
of the neglect of thc Bendigo Caledonians.
In other days they were an enthusiastic
body, ready to march out with pipes and
tartans, "hearing welcome in the eye, ths
hand, thc tongue," whenever a demon
stration seemed desirable in the interests
of either the city or the society. Maybe
their ardor was frozen by the knowledge
-hat tho Treasurer himself possessed the
dominant Scottish qualities, and would
shrewdly 'understand were they, in the
words of Othello, to "strain his entertain
ment with any strong or vehement
"importunity." Mr. M'Pherson should
he pleaaid that Bendigo let him aloqe.
Should lie ever visit the gold field on the
eve of ail election when he has a big sur
plus he will not be as furtunate.
It is reported from America that under
his will the lata William Rockefeller leaves
an estate estimated at between £60, WO, 000
and £SO/M0,000, all of which is to be
divided in equal shares among Ms four
cbi.dren. Most people of imagination will
be exdtcd to pity. A man who amassed
between £60,000,000 and £80,000,000 in his
lifetime must have spent a life of slavery
to money making. He has bequeathed
the chains to his children. Although most
people in this world arc engaged more
or less energetically in the pursuit of for
tune, few cling to the delusion that hap
piness increases in proportion to income.
Most, men want money, and work for it
for what money can buy. They want first
the necesarics of life, then the additional
comforts and luxuries; they want indepen
dence aud a sense of security for them
selves and their dependants. Some want
the sense of power over their fellow crea
tures that great wealth occasionally can
command. But to make an immense fortune
a man must teach himself to look upon
money as something to accumulate and not
to spend. By tlie time he has accumulated
his first million the lesson is so well
learned that he has killed the wants that
money could supply. The tragic part of
thc story of millionaires begins when ihcv
have become millionaires. 'They have sacri
ficed everything else to money making, even
the taste for things that great wealth
could buy. Few people missed the futile
pathos of thc spectacle of Carnegie scat
tering public libraries about the world in
a hopeless endeavor to rid himself of his
hard-won millions. But there is a social,
as well as a personal, aspect of the accu
mulation of great fortunes. Thc multi
millionaire may in himself be a figure to
be pitied, but he cannot escape the re
sponsibilities that he lias accumulated with
his wealth. No man over earned a foi
tune of £60,000,000 or £SO,000,000. How
ever Rockefeller may have made his moucy,
it docs not represent fair value for the ser
vices he has rendered- to the world. It
has meant the exploitation of thou
sands of his fellow men. It means
that he has got thc benefit of un
fair economic conditions, of conditions
under which other men havo not received
their share of thc profits they have helped
to create. Great wealth so obtained may
legally belong to the possessor, who may
will it as lie pleases, but its disposil is
morally a trust' Rockefeller left nothing
to pnblic benefactions. He loft none of
his immense fortune for thc bcttcrmenf
of the lot of those who made his fortune
for hiin. Roosevelt, who better than any
American statesman appreciated the anti
social aspect of his countrymen's pursuit
of the "almighty dollar," favored a law
that would limit incomes to £5000 a year,
thc surplus that, any man made over
that amount to lie returned to the State.
He argued that no man needed more than
£5000 a year, that no man ever gave ser
vices to the State that were worth more,
and that no man could be trusted to put
the surplus to the best account. Rocke
feller's will snggests that Roosevelt was
not wide of the mark.
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