No corrections yet
I TBM:" TRIPLkV'fÁLÜAÑcá,',.
The details of the history and tarma of the " Triple Alliance," given by The Time* correspondent in Par's, fully confirm the ci.nchis-ons 'which have been generally drawn M to the nature and i-npo-tance 'f that understanding. According to» this occoun', tho.negotiations between Italy, Gdimany, and Austria begin lost June, wh> n the Egyptian question had reached ita »eulo phise, and resulted in . triple i entical note, bearing date hut Novem- ber, by which the three Powers guaran- teed one another against any aggression up"n their respective 'ernt'.rits or cur- tailment of their maritime rights. Tho 1st'cr position is not without interest, especially for England, nith regard to tho difficulties which m'ght have arisen about the Suez Canal. But the principal iiupoitance of the alliance, which has; it appears, been concluded for six years, lies in its guarantee of the territorial integrity of ihe three contracting States. The correspondent of The Timet once more insists that the object of the linder- st indináis entirelypesceful and defensive, b'it ft 11 it is difficult t'>suppress a certain feeling of u' en, iness at the mere fact that the Powers should have thought it worth while to taVe upon themselves the burden of such an agreement. The admitted abs:iice of any definite danger threat- ening any one of them at this moment only makes their action more ominous. States- men do not count the risks or submit to the trammels of such understandings for nothing ; and if they are williuK to enterinto them at a time when there is no present dinger, their willingness bears eloquent to'tunony to their general distrust of the international situati n. If it ii a vague fear of the future alone which prompt«
this alliance, the feeling expressed by the North German Gazette when it «ays, " We be ¡eve ' that under certain conditions whioh do not. however, yet exist, France could be made to fall foul of Germany,"
then it must be said that such fears have
a not altogether pleasant ten'ency to bring about their own realisation. Ex- actly the same formula, it maybe observed, might »pply to the relations of Russia and Austria, and it is by no means certain that Austrian policy in South-eastern Europe will be any the better for having the fear of Russian resistance or intervention diminished or removed. A« between
A ustr'u and Italy, on the other hand, the Chance is .almost an unmixed grod. And, on the whole, it may be said that, if these alliances show no increasing anxiety as to tho, possibility of war, they also show an increasing determination to pre- vent it. 'They may not be the best guarrantees of peace, but they are the best evidence oia.passionate desire for it.
That desire has not always.been the ,first. Ionjing of greaíjiíilitary power'., but,.Çhe time is now happily, piat when even suc- cessful war can be regarded by statesmen in any other I'ght titan that of a calamity, -Pall Mau Budget, April 28. »
The Times correspondent at Berlin writes : -" Ho alich't sensation has been 'caused here and elsewhere by an arti» le
in the " Governmental ' North German Gazette on the relations between Ger- many, Austria, and Italy. From the late speech of Signor Mancini in the Italian Chamber it Was at' once inferred ?by some hasty writers that his Govern- ment had already asked for admittance and been received into,political partnership with the Austro-German Powers, while others, wi-er still in their generation, weiit a step further, and explained that this triple alliance had been secretly concluded against France. Prince Bis- marck's organ, however, now puts the matter in its true light by pointing out that even if a positive agreement between these three Powers actually existed, which it is hot at all prepared to assert, its aim would hy no means be of an aggressive nature. At the same time,! so argues the Notth German Gazette, all the three powers in question have a common inter, st in the maintenance of peace, and it is, theref. re, not only possible,, but even probable, that they ' would combine to resist an attack against either of them, -till none of them has any present grudge against France, nor have they, on the other hand, any reason to dread'bellicose intentions on the part of that Power. But should a war party get the upper hand in Franco, Would the tiree States whose alliance is now spoken of be con- scious of the same degree of security and independence after the defeat of [any ono of them as they, under present con- ditions, enjoy 1 Scarcely. Suppose, for example, that France were to succeed in disrupting Germany or in rendering her powerless, would Austria and Italy not feel in a much more precarious position than now ? Or, again, suppose that I'aly were attacked by France, would the states- men of Germany and Austria not have to c .insider the consequences of an eastern extension of the French frontier, and, of the creation of a Cisalpine Republic in Italy or of the dependence of Italy on France i Thirdly, AUB tria can only now be assailed by France through Italy, and Austria has no interest in offering France the same facility for doing this in the future as. in the past. Nor could Germany be indifferent to a diminution of the safety of Austria's western frontier by the existence of a French neighbourhood in Italy. Tho strength and security of the Austro-Hnn gárian State are essential to the stability of Germany, and no sagaciou^statesman here could voluntarily accept the situation that would arise if Austria were lamed or rendered hostile by being left in the lurch by Germany. Front all this it must: foi
low that the_ throe pacific Powers-Ger- many, Austria, and Italy-will, be com- pelled by the logic of,policy to stand up for peace shon'd any one of'them be threatened with attack by another Stat?. Each of them must have the feeling ' Tua res agitur paries cum pro'ximus ardet,' and to register this conviction requires no written agreement ' We aro not, aware that any such understanding exists, but we are sure thal; the logic' of history ¡B cogent enough to convince each, of these pacific Powers that it will'do .well not to
wait till its turn comes and to beware of isolation by abandoning thoie who aro equally intoroBted in the preservation of peace.' "
It is stated that the article in the Rèpullijue Fran:aitt on the comments of the Norddeutsclie Zeitung on the rumours of h triple allianco is due to the pen of AL Challemel-Lacour, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs. The whole artiole is a threat to Italy, which'is defined as the " noisome fly across the Alps," to Gor many, who acts according to Prince Bis- marck's neuralgic or gout attacks, and to Austria, the dupe of Germany. The artiole concludes as follows :-" Tho Re- public will atta 'k no one, but she will know how to make herself respected by all. To recommend her to the kind feoliug of Europe as the only safeguard against the pretended bellicose instincts of the nation ia offending at the same timo the nation and < the ' Repub- lic. There does not exist a French- man, be he a Monarchist or a Republican, who will not repel the insult
We are not in the habit of lauding or Warning the institutions of our neigh- bours.' We take no part for either M.
Bi-marck or M. Richter. We leave
Gormans^ Austrian», and Italians to govern themselves as they like. Keep an eye on us,' if you ohoose ; form against us defensive leagues, as this may keep your minds at ease ; we do not mind, and to defend ourselves we want no »Hy. But, par Dieu, spare us your advice on the Constitution whioh is better suited for us. Republican or ' Monarchical France is, bofore tho stranger, nothing elsi but
The Temp» exclaims :-" Gracious heavens, howneavy-handed those Germans are, and how little national dignity thoy possess I It is probable that the Nord- deutsche Zeitung fancied it would please the friends of our institutions by offering thom its support. The Chancellerie, which is believed to inspire its artiolos, may have thought that these menacing hints would assist the Republic against Monarchical pretenders ; but it would be difficult to carry want of tact further. Does it picture to itself France consulting Germany before deciding on what she is I to do at home-her parties inquiring how
far thevmay go withoutbringingdownupon ' thétnMTeaíobwr-vatipns from the German
/Chancellerie ? The Norddeutsche Zeitung, to which wa are replying, is perfectly justifJed in saying that' France has never §iven anyone the impression that she was
esiroas of diiturbing the peace, but it is grievously mistaken if it sup .osea that all parties in Franco are not agreed in their determination to be masters in their own
country, and to uphold the independence
of the mtion "
Writing in the Pays, M P*ul de Cas sagnac bitterly exclaims:-"I' is now the foreigner who guards and maintains the Republic in France What a disi*ra e for the Republic, which only ow. sis exis- tence to the foreigner ? If further proof were needed to show h .w fatal the re public is to us, we should find it in this German art c e which so truly exp rstes the motive of the tri, le alliance diretted against our unfortunate country.
The Siècle in an artiole on the alliance between Germany, Aus ria, and Italy, points out that France has twenty reasons not to be alarmed at alliances which are merely transitory combinations, based upon no community of interests, and in reality nothing more than truces between
The Gaulois, commenting on the t-iple alliance, which seems to h»vo greatly irritated the French, says :-" France is dcomed to be a Republic at the instiga- tion of the enemy who so cruelly attacked her. _ One must admit that this new species of intervention does leas honour to the Republio than to Fiance ; for if it denotes on the part of Germany, Austria Hungary, and Italy, who have no d.ubt the consent of the other Powers, the idea that France is capable of rising again, does it not imply that the Republic alone is capable of preventing this resurrec-
me ropoio argues tbat the ireaty, as being directed against France alone, is likely to produce the evils it is intended to guard against; and will afford little or no benefit to Italy or Austria If it ia general in its scope, and directed «gainst any party attacking either of the three Powers, then the Popólo can understand
The Ministerial Diritto considers the fact to be a close understanding, but no concrete Treaty. The Diritto's argument seems, however, to show that if there is so such Treaty it would be better that
there were one.
The Capitan Fracas>a affirms that a treaty has been signed between Italy and Austria, according to which each country guarantees to the other the integrity of i's territory. The journal further states that, the German Government has not entered into any arrangement, but, hav- ing been made aware of the Austro Italian trea'y, expressed the greatest satisfaction at i's conclusion. Iniscir-
cumstance fill, it is added, be mentioned ,iu a special clause of the treaty. ( ,
The Afomfeur de Rome, commenting,on the relations between Italy and the Can-, tra! Powers, observed that " Italy has now need of .reconciling herself to the Holy 8ee."_ ' '