Mercury (Hobart, Tas. : 1860 - 1954), Wednesday 6 June 1883, page 3


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The details of the history and terms of the " Triple Alliance," given by The Times correspondent in Paris, fully confirm the conclusions which have been generally drawn M to the nature and importance 'of that understanding. According to this account, the negotiations between Italy, Germany, and Austria begin last June, wh> in the Egyptian question had reached its final phase, and resulted in triple i entical note, bearing date but November, by which the three Powers guaranteed one another against any aggression upon their respective 'contents or curtailment of their maritime rights. The latter position is not without interest, especially for England, with regard to the difficulties which might have arisen about the Suez Canal. But the principal importance of the alliance, which has; it appears, been concluded for six years, lies in its guarantee of the territorial integrity of the three contracting States. The correspondent of The Times once more insists that the object of the leader-st findings entirely peaceful and defensive, bit ft 11 it is difficult t'>suppress a certain feeling of a' en, mess at the mere fact that the Powers should have thought it worth while to take upon themselves the burden of such an agreement. The admitted absence of any definite danger threatening any one of them at this moment only makes their action more ominous. States-men do not count the risks or submit to the trammels of such understandings for nothing and if they are willing to enter into them at a time when there is no present danger, their willingness bears eloquent testimony to their general distrust of the international situate n. if it is a vague fear of the future alone which prompts

this alliance, the feeling expressed by the North German Gazette when it says, " We be live that under certain conditions which do not. however, yet exist, France could be made to fall foul of Germany,"

then it must be said that such fears have

a not altogether pleasant tendency to bring about their own realisation. Exactly the same formula, it maybe observed, might apply to the relations of Russia and Austria, and it is by no means certain that Austrian policy in South-eastern Europe will be any the better for having the fear of Russian resistance or intervention diminished or removed. Act between

A useful and Italy, on the other hand, the Chance is almost an unmixed good. And, on the whole, it may be said that, if these alliances show no increasing anxiety as to the possibility of war, they also show an increasing determination to prevent it. They may not be the best guarantee of peace, but they are the best evidence dispassionate desire for it.

That desire has not always. been the first. landing of greaíjiíilitary power'., but, the time is now happily, past when even successful war can be regarded by statesmen in any other light than that of a calamity, -Pall Mall Budget, April 28. 9

The Times correspondent at Berlin writes : -" Ho slight sensation has been caused here and elsewhere by an article

in the " Governmental ' North German Gazette on the relations between Germany, Austria, and Italy. From the late speech of Signor Mancini in the Italian Chamber it was at once inferred by some hasty writers that his Government had already asked for admittance and been received into political partnership with the Austro-German Powers, while others, wiser still in their generation, went a step further, and explained that this triple alliance had been secretly concluded against France. Prince Bismarck's organ, however, now puts the matter in its true light by pointing out that even if a positive agreement between these three Powers actually existed, which it is not at all prepared to assert, its aim would by no means be of an aggressive nature. At the same time! so argues the North German Gazette, all the three powers in question have a common interest in the maintenance of peace, and it is, there. re, not only possible,, but even probable, that they would combine to resist an attack against either of them, still none of them has any present grudge against France, nor have they, on the other hand, any reason to dread bellicose intentions on the part of that Power. But should a war party get the upper hand in France, Would the three States whose alliance is now spoken of be conscious of the same degree of security and independence after the defeat of any one of them as they, under present conditions, enjoy 1 Scarcely. Suppose, for example, that France were to succeed in disrupting Germany or in rendering her powerless, would Austria and Italy not feel in a much more precarious position than now ? Or, again, suppose that Italy were attacked by France, would the states-men of Germany and Austria not have to consider the consequences of an eastern extension of the French frontier, and, of the creation of a Cisalpine Republic in Italy or of the dependence of Italy on France i Thirdly, Austria can only now be assailed by France through Italy, and Austria has no interest in offering France the same facility for doing this in the future as. in the past. Nor could Germany be indifferent to a diminution of the safety of Austria's western frontier by the existence of a French neighbourhood in Italy. The strength and security of the Australiangerman State are essential to the stability of Germany, and no sagaciou^statesman here could voluntarily accept the situation that would arise if Austria were named or rendered hostile by being left in the lurch by Germany. From all this it must: so

low that the three pacific Powers-Ger-many, Austria, and Italy will, be compelled by the logic of policy to stand up for peace should any one of them be threatened with attack by another State?. Each of them must have the feeling The res agitur paries cum proximus order,' and to register this conviction requires no written agreement ' We are not, aware that any such understanding exists, but we are sure that; the logic' of history is cogent enough to convince each of these pacific Powers that it will do well not to

wait till its turn comes and to beware of isolation by abandoning those who are equally interested in the preservation of peace.' "

It is stated that the article in the Republique Francaise on the comments of the Norddeutscher Zeitung on the rumours of h triple alliance is due to the pen of AL Challemel-Lacour, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs. The whole article is a threat to Italy, which is defined as the " noisome fly across the Alps," to Gormany, who acts according to Prince Bismarck's neuralgic or gout attacks, and to Austria, the dupe of Germany. The article concludes as follows :-" The Re-public will atta 'k no one, but she will know how to make herself respected by all. To recommend her to the kind feeling of Europe as the only safeguard against the pretended bellicose instincts of the nation in offending at the same time the nation and the ' Republic. There does not exist a French-man, be he a Monarchist or a Republican, who will not repel the insult

We are not in the habit of lauding or Warning the institutions of our neighbours.' We take no part for either M.

Bismarck or M. Richter. We leave

Germans Austrians, and Italians to govern themselves as they like. Keep an eye on us, if you choose ; form against us defensive leagues, as this may keep your minds at ease ; we do not mind, and to defend ourselves we want no way. But, par Dieu, spare us your advice on the Constitution which is better suited for us. Republican or Monarchical France is, before the stranger, nothing else but

France."

The Temps exclaims :-" Gracious heavens, howneavy-handed those Germans are, and how little national dignity they possess It is probable that the Nord-deutsche Zeitung fancied it would please the friends of our institutions by offering them its support. The Chancellerie, which is believed to inspire its articles, may have thought that these menacing hints would assist the Republic against Monarchical pretenders ; but it would be difficult to carry want of tact further. Does it picture to itself France consulting Germany before deciding on what she is to do at home-her parties inquiring how

far they may go withoutbringingdownupon ' thétnMTeaíobwr-vatipns from the German

Chancellery The Norddeutscher Zeitung, to which we are replying, is perfectly justified in saying that' France has never given anyone the impression that she was

desirous of disturbing the peace, but it is grievously mistaken if it supposed that all parties in France are not agreed in their determination to be masters in their own

country, and to uphold the independence

of the nation "

Writing in the Pays, M Paul de Cas signed bitterly exclaims:-"I' is now the foreigner who guards and maintains the Republic in France What a desire for the Republic, which only ow. sis existence to the foreigner ? If further proof were needed to show h w fatal the republic is to us, we should find it in this German art c e which so truly exp rates the motive of the tri, le alliance directed against our unfortunate country.

The Circle in an article on the alliance between Germany, Aus ria, and Italy, points out that France has twenty reasons not to be alarmed at alliances which are merely transitory combinations, based upon no community of interests, and in reality nothing more than truce between

enemies.

The Gaulois, commenting on the triple alliance, which seems to have greatly irritated the French, says :-" France is deemed to be a Republic at the instiga-tion of the enemy who so cruelly attacked her. _ One must admit that this new species of intervention does leas honour to the Republic than to France for if it denotes on the part of Germany, AustriaHungary, and Italy, who have no doubt the consent of the other Powers, the idea that France is capable of rising again, does it not imply that the Republic alone is capable of preventing this resurrec-

tion ?"

me report argues that the treaty, as being directed against France alone, is likely to produce the evils it is intended to guard against; and will afford little or no benefit to Italy or Austria If it is general in its scope, and directed against any party attacking either of the three Powers, then the Popolo can understand

it

The Ministerial Diritto considers the fact to be a close understanding, but no concrete Treaty. The Diritto's argument seems, however, to show that if there is so such Treaty it would be better that

there were one.

The Capital Fracas affirms that a treaty has been signed between Italy and Austria, according to which each country guarantees to the other the integrity of its territory. The journal further states that, the German Government has not entered into any arrangement, but, having been made aware of the AustroItalian treaty, expressed the greatest satisfaction at its conclusion. Iniscir-

cumstance fill, it is added, be mentioned in a special clause of the treaty. ( The

Afomfeur de Rome, commenting on the relations between Italy and the Central Powers, observed that " Italy has now need of reconciling herself to the Holy Seeing ' '