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LAUNCESTON EXAMINER, Saturday, February 22, 1845. TAXATION AND REPRESENTATION. IT is pleasing to discover that public spirit has survived a protracted season of pe cuniary embarrassment. Colonists have been accustomed to bestow exclusive attention on their private affairs; but though necessity compelled them for a time to appear selfish, patriotism is not extinct. They have frequently been charged with apathetic conduct when general interests were concerned, and various causes have contributed to produce indifference. In small communities.4there are always some who seek notoriety for its own sake, and would rather be mis
chievous than escape observation. The harmony of meetings has frequently been disturbed by these promoters of discord. Pretensions have been ostentatiously put forward which the public were not prepared to sanction. A contest for pre-eminence, producing scenes of senseless strife, has disgusted those who merely desired to se cure the welfare of their neighbours. It is not surprising that worthy men shun places where bitter invective and sneering sarcasm are indulged, and that public meetings at which party feeling and per sonal hostility are displayed become dis tastefidul to the people at large. May we hope that adversity has taught us what we failed to learn from prosperity. moderation? Nor do the 'inhabitants forget that congratulatory addresses are the only documents which have obtained prompt notice and satisfactory replies. They have petitioned for the redress of grievances-they have solicited responsible government-they have invoked the as sistance of the imperial and local powers on various occasions, but invain.. Unless the public mind is strongly_ moved by some sudden impulse it is now difficult to col lect a sufficient number together to discuss the most important questions. Much diversity of opinion cannot exist respecting the subject now agitated, and we observe that the-meetings at Hobart Town have been conducted with the utmost decorum. The inhabitants of Launceston are invited to protest against the imposition of additional taxes. If a public meeting be convened, let them show they can me~ie without quarrelling, and that even opposite sentiments can he .expressed without prov.king a. challenge. It should be remember at on such occasions all are entitled da. eak as well as to vote, and that the presence of peace officers is seldom necessary when courteous language is used. A petulant spirit and haughty demeanour are always displeasing, and should be carefully avoided. He who is willing to receive suggestions from every one inclined to offer them; who calmly replies to assertions he may disapprove, and relies on the soundness of his logic rather than the weight of his authority, will be admired by most and censured by none. There are some public writers who dis card principles and select expediency for their guide in public affairs,-- -It can there fore excite no wonder if they alternately de nounce and encourage the consumption of foreign articles-if at one time they com plain of foreign competition, and at another advocate freedom to.all-if they frequently insist thatBritish produce should be protected by differential duties in its favour, and sometimes argue that foreign productions should only be subjected to a nominal impost. If additional revenue were required, we cannot imagine that the amount could be levied in a manner less objectionable than that proposed. Indirect taxation is generally expensive, but in this instance no new machinery will be neces sary. The collector of customs will dc mand fifteen shillings for every chest of tea landed, instead of two ; and three pounds for every ton of sugar, instead of half a sovereign. It may be questioned, if a fixed is not superior to an ad valorel? duty, when the value of commodities is to be estimated in uncertain and fluctuating markets. The business of a merchant is
at present sufficiently speculative, but'under the proposed system commerce will be a, game of chance,'which will either speedily -enrich or entirely ruin the importer of )foreign goods. To. impose a tax on the cost 'of transit, and. even probable profit, seems highly objectionable ; nor has the author of the duties' bill told us how heis to as certain the current value of goods at the. port of landing. Is a premium to be placed on hard swearing, and are those agents to have a preference in business who least scruple to make a false declaration t A clause must be inserted, empowering, the. government to take goods at the de clared value, should it appear unsatisfac tory to the collector of custolus. This trade: might indeed prove rather unprofit. able to the crown, if the articles were sub seauently sold by auction ; but perhaps the executive might be able to dispose of their stock, by opening in every district a cheap grocery and Italian warehouse. It is only fair to acknowledge, that similar duties, and the same method of ascertain ing the value, prevail in New. South Wales.; but though, unacquainted, with the secrets of the Sydney custom-house, we are certain the practice proves demoralising to many immediately engaged in entering foreign goods. for home consumption. We admit, that though the new plan of ascertaining value may be repugnant to the existing definition of ad valorem, yet the same authority that enacted may rescind or substitute. Neither are we dis posed to deny the power of the govern ment to impose such a duty. It has been asserted, that taxation without representa tion is tyranny. We may admire this beau tiful theory, "d lament. it has so seldom been re* d to practice. How many millions in Britain contribute largely to the revenue, who have no.voice in the elec tion of their legislators? The inhabitants of dependencies of the crown have never been in a better position, and when they became sufficiently strong to contest a point, never yet conceded, success can celled. all pecuniary obligation. The United States, when colonies of Britain, did not refuse to support the imperial go vernment by subsidies, but they asserted their right to fix and collect the amount themselves. We are not in a situation to ,exist as an independent state, nor can we 'dispense with British protection. Might, is right, when applied by the imperial minister to distant settlements; and the 'only practical privilege colonists possess, 'is the liberty to petition. Public opinion is all. powerful, and if enlisted in their favor they will neither be ruined by the rapine of irresponsible rulers, nor sacrificed at the shrine of their cruel policy. We do not underrate the recent demon 'strations at Hobart Town, when we affirm :that they partake of the character ofpreli -minary meetings. It is cheering to observe 'the consistent, the unanimous, the staunch spirit that has been displayed. The colo 'nists are aware that their remonstrance may influence the conduct of his Excellency, but cannot compel the governor to abandon the proposed scheme. As the legislative 'council is. at present constituted, he can carry any measure he may please to ima giue; and if he thought proper he might to-morrow secure a majority of votes in favour of a law rendering it criminal to appear' in pantaloons, and placing a duty tons knee breeches. It would be too late
to object that such a statute is subversive a of the " rights" of Englishmen. Their I abstract rights, for which some contend so fiercely, were violated when former go vernors imposed duties at their pleasure by c proclamation; nor would complaint avail, I unless. supported by the sterling sense of t the British parliament and people. Ad 1 important principle is involved in the op- s position, now offered to the proposed mea- r sure. The people do not object, that the c price of tea is to be increased sixpence per pound, and.thatof sugar advanced a penny, c but they insist that the colonial revenue is r already sufficient for colonial purposes. Let the sentiment, then, be fairly and fully an nounced inuthe form.of a general axiom. It may beproper-itmay be useful-toremon strate against a particular measure; but c let this only be the stepping-stone to an t elevation,, from which neither neglect shall I seduce,. nor calumny dislodge us. Colo- I nists should at once approach the British I nation, and' say-let transportation cease, and grant us a popular legislature. If' the colony is not prepared' for this I now, some short time must elapse to secure unanimity. A few months will discover to the most sceptical that if we endeavour to: retain prisoners we must abandon all' hope that our pecuniary complaints I will be attended to, or that the least º controul of local affairs. will: be con ceded. We know it is urged that it would I be difficult to find' suitable members for a popular assembly; but it is as true in politics as in commerce, that a demand will draw forth a supply-and who will venture to affirm that the colony is desti tute of men capable of managing their own affairs? It may also be objected- that the country would be divided into political coteries : that contested elections would disturb the quiet of peaceable neighbour hoods, and jealousies distract the peace of retired. people. But even supposing political partizanship were carried to the greatest extent, it is preferable to the present state of society. A detestible appetite for scandal exists, and a de graded press panders to. the vitiated taste; but if local politics engrossed attention the privacies of domestic life would no longer be invaded, and the writer that could not discuss questions of public importance, or reason on principles of policy, would cease to be read by every intelligent man. Britain has not been distinguished for entertaining enlighted views respecting her foreign possessions. America was vio lently severed from the crown: Canada was recently in a state of rebellion: Nova Scotia is filled with discontent, and the people of New South Wales are dissatisfied with their new charter. The colonial policy is radically wrong, but statesmen have either failed to perceive its errors or disregarded them as unimportant. The source of all the evil is imperial inter ference with local affairs. That ruler would be denounced as a tyrant who attempted to regulate the domestic con cerns of his subjects-who said here is a footman, you must employ him at so much: this steward is honest, therefore sign an engagement to reward him in proportion to his fidelity : this factor will superintend all your affairs; he is a very clever fellow and must be properly re munerated : you must disburse so much in wages, and expend twice that sum in charity, so that the poor and the wicked
around you may be fed and controlled. r Would any submit to such dictation? i Yet the same principle prevails in every de pendency of the British crown. There are u offices created for the accommodation of U idle men, who thus become pensioners of v the state. Almost every vacancy is filled £ by home appointees, and salaries are shifted to suit individuals. The object is not so much to supply the wants of the colony as to secure pensions to needy adventurers. Under such a system the colonies can never be content. If they nominate their own officers they will cheerfully remunerate them; but they contribute with dissatisfaction to defray t charges. either unnecessary or odious. From this source spring all' the grievances which have afflicted and inflamed the colonies ; and to secure the exercise of this power unnecessary restrictions have been imposed, opposition excited, and bitter anti-national prejudices have been fostered. Rather than receive such a charter as that conferred on New South Wales, settlers would prefer seeing the d present council abolished and the governor supreme, but personally responsible for his. administration. It is however to be hoped that patronage, however highly esteemed by political chiefs for party purposes, will be seenl to be of no national E benefit. The affection of the colonies must be of far more importance to the mother country than the patronising pre rogatives of a minister in office: and their cordial esteem can never be conciliated while their own servants are appointed by a stranger at a remote distance. We commend this vital point in colonial administration to the notice of MR. HUME. The past history of colonists, and present dissatisfaction, illustrate the mischievous operation of a power that has ever proved prejudicial, to those who exercise it; for a late lord chancellor has declared-that he who possesses patronage, finds that those he wishes to serve, hate him for involuntary failure, and those he assists usually seek to prove their independence, by showing their ingratitude, and endeavour to cancel the obligation by reproaching\ their official friend. Since writing the above, the Ilobart Town Courier has come to hand, with an account of the proceedings on Tuesday. We have no room for comment, but may remark that an excellent spirit pervaded the meeting, and that the facts brought forward cannot fail of effect. A friend furnished us with the resolutions and peti tion, which will be found in another page; and we annex- a condensed report of the speeches delivered on the occasion. Mr. Allport said, they were there to op pose, in a legal and constitutional form, the imposition as a tax-but not from any paltry or mere pecuniary views, for he would say of this community, that had the tax been projected purely for colonial purposes-had it been manifested to them that economy had first been made use of, and that the government, having tried retrenchment, had resorted to this measure from necessity only - no free individual of this colony would have murmured (Cheers.) Ho would ap peal to the " Finance Minute" of July, 1844. "The offices and departments which I have reduced or abolished since my arrival have occa sioned a saving of about £13,000 a-year; and I am not aware that I could carry the reductions further at present, without injuslice in some cases, or, in others, endangering or impairing the effici ency of the public service, and especially that part which relates to the interests of the mother countryj. ."Had we been a colony of free people, the whole of this sum of £19,000 would have been, with much more, a clear saving of annual expense: but the separation of the convict from the colonial departments has thrown upon the colony several charges which were mixed up between them, so long as the two services were iun many points treated as one interest." Again "The expenses of our judicial arrangements are greatly disproporlloned to our population and
revenle-n.being £10,701 is., includinggaols, and the support of prisoners. "A return I have received from the chidf jnstice shows that the amount paid to witnesses in trials at the supreme court from January, .1843, to-June, 1844, amounted to £2,447 10s. 6d.,-of which £1,055 is for the trial of prisoners of the crown, £468 for the trial of persons free y ser vitude, £217 for free born, £67 for joint trials of the free by servitude and prisoners of the crown, £12 for free born and free by servitude, and pri. soners of the crown, tried jointly, and £26 for persons whose condition is unknown. "AAnother return, through the santo channel, for the same period, shows, that of 419 persons tried, 214 were bond, 44 were free, 103 free by servitude, 10 conditionally pardoned, and 9 were unknown. "The colony has provided for religious instruc tion more liberally tllan the present state of its finances admits of. The present estimate is for £18,402-being one-sixth of our income. 'There can be no doubt that the presence of a convict popu lotion has imposed upon the colony the necessity of this apparently disproportioned charge. " I am aware of the severe pressure of the 'ex pense of the police, the judicial establishment, and of pauperism, on the colony at the present rime; and have made such representations to the secre tary of state for the colonies as will, I trust, in duce him to reconsider the subject with a view to a more equitable arrangement." There was an end to the excuse hitherto made, that as we benefitted by convict la bour we ought to contribute to the expense. This pretext had ceased. The prisoners were not now to he employed in any way for the real benefit of the colony-and this demand upon our pockets was therefore not only unreasonable, but insulting. In-1841 the free population, compared with the number of convicts, was 3 to 1. If matters went on as hitherto, in six years the pro portion would be equal, and in twelve years the convicts would be doubled. But if the expense of our judicial establishment was great at the present time, with whatalarm may we not look forward to its threatened and frightful increase I A legal gentleman of high official standing had estimated the mere expenses of witnesses for 1845 at £0000. This sum, however greatitappeared as an individual item of expense, was no recompense to the settler for the:loss of his time, and the neglect of his farming ope rations; compelled, to leave their homes often at tile most busy period-it was no re muneration to merchants, bankers, trades men, and others, for their loss of time as jurors. (Cheers.) They were not only calmly to submit, but by a quiet and passive acquiescence to aid in their own final de struction and infamy. He saw no such great benefit in the convict expenditure compared with. the dreadful evils which the present system must inevitably brinr upon us, our children, and our children's children. Even those who believe that we derive ad vantage, admit this colony cannot receive convicts at the rate they have latterly been poured in upon us-upwards of 16,000 in three years; 13,764 male, and 2,492 female prisoners. The free population in 1841 being 88,886, and this, it must berecollected, not adults, but reckoning every man, woman, and child. The prospect is notimprovedby the emancipated being sent to other colo nies; all who behave with common decency, all, he would say, who were human would be withdrawn, and the residue, the flower of Norfolk Island and Port Arthur, the less than human, would be left to blight and desolate the colony. Our island has been made use of as a huge political sieve for all the criminals of Britain and the British possessions to be sifted through, and the coarsest and grossest portion full to our share. In the last eleven months therehad been no fewer than 814 prosecutions for crime, of which number 100 only were against free. This astounding fact is met by the assertion thatbut few of those prose cutions were against probationers I How was it, he would ask, that these probationers e were, apparently, so exemplary in their y conduct? Is it contended that herding men y together in large gangs is favourable to re n formation of character? When, he would I enquire, was it discovered that idleness and y bad company will convert sinners into good e men? (Great applause.) It was a well known maxim that none are so blind as those who won't see. Persons in office, whose duty it is to look after and superin tend those men-whose places' were de pendant upon the success of the system, are not the most likely people to discover e defects in it. Will they tell us that the little crimes of these probationers are I winked at ? (Tremendous cheering and ap 5 plause.) W. Carter seconded the resolution. The proceedings of the home government are involving the ruin of every moral and social virtue. There is the increased expense of , the ecclesiastical establishment, on account of the convict gangs; we also pay a large ii sum towards the colonial hospital for con i viect uses. these are no trifling items when o added to other charges. The relief proposed 5 will bo of little value to the government. What if the tax produces some £10,000 or £11,000 a-year. The government is in debt is £00,000, besides £62,000 to the commissa d riat for keeping in repair the cross roads.
The amount derived from the present tax would be a mere drop in the ocean ; it could not help the colonial treasury out of its diffi culties, and would only be a prelude to a smore extensive taxation, which I hope you will all raise your voice against until a fair share*of justice is meted to us. Mr. Kemp then came forward, and was received with great cheering and applause. We pay £82,000 a year for a police to pro tect us against the convicts. I have heard a good deal about aristocratical, democrati ,cal, and despotical forms of government, but that governmentmustbe despotic when the rights of the people are invaded and 'deapised. For a good deal of the present system, we have to thank a gentleman (I won't mention names) who went home from this colony; it was in Sir John Franklin's time. It is stated at this time that there are thirty men abstracted from the public service as grooms and coachmen to public officers. The refusal to receive your wheat in England on the same terms as that from Canada is to be deplored; for how can we receive and pay for British manufacture if they won't take our produce? - Mr. Rowe, who had been a listening spectator of the proceedings in the pit, here stood up and said :-Mr. Chairman, I re quest permission to say afew words. I have lived thirteen years in the colony, and never appeared before the public-any duty and inclination prevented me-but these are times when our duty imperatively cal:s us to set aside all considerations of a personal nature for the public good.. I concider the present government object an attempt to rob-us, not only of our property, but of our liberty as British subjects. (Cheers.) When I attended the preliminary meeting I did hope that this meeting would have taken a broad line of defence, but that hope is not confirmed. The passage in the resolution to which I object is the phrase "for any other than colonial purposes." I know of no proper taxation at all-(Cheers)-for we *have no representation. Where do you look for redress-to his Excellency in council ? I refer you to the Campbell Town speech-to the Finance Minute--fir pro mises- but nothing has been done though time has been allowed. His Excellency must have made promises without any in tention of keeping them, or he must have known that they would not be attended with any success. Do you look to the legis lative councill amongst the (I suppose) ironically called popular members ? I would ask who is the popular member? is he a Gregson, or a Dry, or is it young ' BSir".3ohn Dunnt or do you repose confi dence in that great financier Kermnode, or ;, he T.very elenderabilities'of a Kerr? If you rest your hopes on them they are small indeed. To the Queen! But when did British ministers treat their colonies with justice? The measure which has oc casioned this meeting is one engendered in falsehood, treachery, and injustice. Mr. Rowe then alluded to the slanders upon the morals and character of the colonists in British pamphlets, and proceeded. He was no docker of salaries. It' gentlemen are sent out here to fill situations of trust, they ought to be paid, and let them he paid --nvT rOT rB us. (Cheers.) What must we do? I'll tell you, gentlemen, "Who wouhl lie free, themselves must strike the' blow." " We must fight," was the speech of an Americain at the outset of their disturb ances with the mother country. I say, too, we must fight; we must fight, gentlemen, but let it be with the weapons secured to us by the laws and constitution of our country. (Cheers.) We must agitate l agitatel ! If we are to be'taxed-if we are to be slaves -let us shake our chains, so that the noise may be heard; but we must be up and stirring, we must print and write, that all may be fully acquainted with the justice of our claims. Thus we must he heard. Mr. Kemp seconded Mr. Rowes amend inent, which was however lost being out of the province of the meeting, whichhad as sembled to discuss the propriety of a par ticular tax. Dr. Rowe's sentiments how- I ever received general concurrence. Mr. T. Macdowell then proposed the second resolution. He said, he .was gratified at the dis cussion whicl had arisen ipon the first resolutlon ; it had afforded themn an opportunity of hearing c Dr. Rowe, and lie rejolced that the interruption which had taken place had terminated in such 1 good feeling and good sense. Economy should precede taxation; and this Is the more necessary I when we bear in mind that, even supposing the I British treasury paid the chief expense of the po lice, gaols, and judicial departments, we should, I at our present rate of expenditure, be in debt: put it at £t0,000, and yet we should be in debt; a we are In debt to the British treasury, for ad- c vances last year, £00,000. There the startling. I fact is plain to yon. All our revenue,' and even i more, would be swallowed up by useless officials. I Tihe revenne amounts to little more than £10,0000 a year, our expenditure to £100,000. Will any a man any that 80,000 or 00,000 is not quite a mon- a strons sum for the governlcent of 80,000 free a people, and that is after definying the executive p part of their government ? The Colonial Secre- u tary, in his memorable estimates of last year, put c down the prolable deficiency of the revenue at h £46,000 It has amounted to more, as you can b
discover from the debt contracted with the British treasury. By what authority this system has been carried on I know not; I do not believe that even the Executive Council has been once consulted. They who can Impose burthens so lightly upon the people provoke enquiries into their own salaries and usefulness. They do not care about your talking of the demoralization of transportation and the like, and the dreadful expenditure of po lice and gaols, if you will only let them alone. To avoid the imputation of personality, I selected the Lieutenant-Governor as above, or one who ought to be above, all personal feeling upian the subject. " The eyry buildeth in the cedar's top, " ? " And dallies with the wind and scorns the shtn." His position exposes him to the storm of punlic opinion. If lie is so selfish as to remain satisfied on condition of being let alone himself, he is nn worthy of his post. (Cheers.) I have, within the last two or three days, paid some attention to the accounts of the revenue ansd expenditure; and I have examined the estimates, and compared them with the expenditure; and I can safely say I never saw such confusion(Mr. Kemp, mystifica tion ;) yes, as Mr. Kemp says, mystification. Sums are voted for one department, and then il legally, and without any authority, appropriated to others. Abuses munst exist under such a sys. tem as this, and it is quite impossible to get clearly at them; and there is the miscellaneons, under which head, large slims are annually gulphed. In one department £700 is voted for salaries, and upwards of £1,700 paid at the pre sent time, and it is not of the least earthly use. These are things quite apart fromn police and gaols. MIy friend Dr. Rowe has very properly alluded to Adelaide, where the government costs but£30,000. Sorely £50,000 oughlt to be ample for this colony, after paying police and gaols. There was the co. lonial secretary's department. By the division of the convict branch'the whole ot the blsiness of this office had nearly ceased, yet it was carried on at an expense of £3,000 a year. (Hear.) There was the colonial treasurer's, (laughter) and I do not know how many more. There is the mounted police kept sp at an expense of nearly £2,000 a year, and for what? what are all those horses for? (Laughter.) I believe that the chief police magis trate is obliged to make a formal requisition when lie wants a horse. (Hqre the speaker was com pletely beset by different persons around hiim, calling out the survey office, the post, anmd other offices.) After their interruptions Mr. Macdowell proceeded to say lie did not hesitate to denounce tlhe prodigality and inutility of these government officers to be unequalled in any part of the world. They are no use-their presence is annoying to us. (Laughter and cheers.) He trusted, notwith standing Dr. Rowe's strictures upon the council, that the sin-official members would make a stand against the proposed tax. With reference to what had been said on the subject of transporta tion, Mr. Macdowell said lie differed from the sentiments expressed upon it, although he knew they were shared by many good and honouraltlo men. Tie public.feeling is not against transporta, tion, if directed towards useful purpodt~? aidSie Admitted it might be overdone, but if. the gangs were employed thronghosut the colintry in damming nsp the sources of the lakes, so as to make the rivers available for irrigatioli, and in ;inaking good lines of communication, he thogbit they would lie a great benefit rather than a curse. , He did got deny there were evils attending It, but they liad all come to this colony knowing it to be a convict one, and lihe for one found it imuch better than lie expected. Now, as to the tax itself, the amount the government would raise would probably be slut mnore than £10,000. It might raise sugar a half penny in tile pound, and teas proportionately, which would in the year's consumption provide the poor man with boots and a bat, perhaps. Well, even that was something; (cheers) but what did they think was the next tax? It was a stamp tax which they intended to propose. And wliat next? to raise tile publicans' licenses from £25 to £50. and what next did they think? Why, they ex pected to get another £10,000 by' putting down illicit distillation. (Cheers and laughter.) Why Syntax in search of tile picturesqite did not heat this pursidt after a revenue. (Laughter.) They ought to benefit from the lesson given themis by tie lieutenant-governor at the Cam bell Town nmee. ing, where lie recommended strict economy to tie settlers, struggling as they were with adverse times. He had seen it elsewhere remarked sipon -" Brew your own beer," said his excellency; (laughter) " make your own butter and cheese ;" and was it not only just and reasonable that they should turn round upon him, and say, " Is not £10,000 a year rather too much for your excel. lency ?" (Cheers.) Hisexcellency appears, how. ever, Cite reverse of Ulysses: Ills ears are sealed to everything except dulcet and harmoniots breath. (Cheers.) He was reminded that lie had not spoken of the loan contracted by Ills excelleney with a private bank. That loan wias contracted without any legislative sanction whatever, (cheers) and he trusted it would be rejected, and that the consequences would fall upon its authors. (Cheese). Mr. Chapman, In coming forward to nove the third resolution, said that he had travelled over most parts of the world, but that he lhad never heard or smet with any proceeding which coild he likened as a precedent to the present iniquitous attempt at taxation. If, gentlemen, the present measure does not rouse us, if we allow It to pass witllout the most vigorous opposition, we shall have something worse next year. If the government, do not regard our just remonstrances, it will then indeed be high timne to petition for it legislative. council that we can call our own. (Great cheer.. ing.) l Mr. Juicomb, in seconding the resolutlon, ob served, the proposed tax would nndoubtedly reach all, but imore especially the poor, to whom tesa and sugar were necessaries-thie labourers in the bush, particularly sawyers and splitters, who almost lived upon their tea and sugar. It affected the mer chants and the tradesmen, and though last, not least, "the brewer." Its effects would not only be unjust, but contrary to the British constitutional
laws-it was taxation upon taxationo-te capital of the merchant, and even the wlIarfage charges, wonld be taxed if this measure were carried. Dr. Bedford then came forward to move the 4th resolution. The points to which the meeting had directed its attention were, first, that the tax.was not required for colonial purposes; secondly, that it was to keep up the convict establishment and all its concomitant evils. Althongh not a son of the soil himself, he had come out to this colony when very young, and his interests and hisfeelings were now completely identified with it. True, it was then a penal colony, but lie recollected the time when. he, in common with the rest of its free Iltnlbitants, looked forward with the most hopeful anticipations to its becoming a free colony; bunt never that it should become the cesspool of British refuse. Mr. Watchlorn, upon stepping' forward, was greeted with the plaudits of the meeting. He said matters had been so filly and so ably discussed as to leave him no occasion to trouble thle meeting with any observations, beyond tile great satisfac tion he had in seconding the resolution.